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By Ken Dilanian

WASHINGTON — Three new court documents are scheduled to emerge Friday that could shed new light on what Donald Trump’s former top aides have been telling — or not telling — federal investigators.

A federal judge in New York has ordered that prosecutors for the Southern District of New York and the Special Counsel’s Office have until 5 p.m. Friday to deliver sentencing memos designed to detail former Trump lawyer Michael Cohen’s cooperation in their ongoing investigations.

And special counsel Robert Mueller is also due to file a document spelling out what his team previously referred to as the “crimes and lies” that led them to cancel a cooperation agreement with former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort.

Legal experts say it’s likely that both documents will contain sections that are blacked out, as was the case with the sentencing memo Mueller filed Tuesday in the case of former national security adviser Michael Flynn.

The theory that Mueller would use these documents to inform the public about the progress of his ongoing investigation into Russian election interference and related matters did not pan out in the case of the Flynn memo. Key sections of that memo were redacted, including crucial questions about what Trump knew and when about Flynn’s lies to the FBI — and a whole page describing a separate criminal investigation.

Mueller’s decision to withhold that information shows, some experts say, that the former FBI director does not feel that his investigation is at risk of being derailed by Acting Attorney General Matthew Whitaker, who had expressed open hostility toward it before his appointment.

“He disclosed so little in the Flynn memo that it led me to conclude two things,” said former federal prosecutor Glenn Kirschner, an NBC News legal analyst. “One, he doesn’t have a sense of urgency, and two, he probably has a lot more investigating to do. If he was ready to show his cards, he wouldn’t have redacted all this stuff.”

Former federal prosecutor Peter Zeidenberg says there may be something else at play:

“As usual, Mueller may be thinking two steps ahead of the rest of us.”

“If it’s public it won’t be sensitive and if it’s sensitive it won’t be public.”

Zeidenberg noted that Trump has not tweeted or uttered a word about Flynn since the sentencing memo on Flynn was filed, in contrast to Trump’s immediate attack on Cohen after Cohen pleaded guilty last week to lying about a Trump Tower project in Moscow.

“Trump’s been quite quiet since that filing,” Zeidenberg said. “He hasn’t attacked Flynn. If those blanks had been filled in, Trump’s head would have exploded — he’d be going crazy.”

“If Mueller waits and does his big reveal all at once, everything’s done. It’s too late” for Trump to engineer his firing, Zeidenberg said.

Michael Cohen exits federal court on Nov. 29 in New York.Drew Angerer / Getty Images

“If he were to have revealed everything on those redactions now, it could jeopardize ongoing matters, and it wouldn’t have been smart politically for his continued survival. I think it probably makes a lot of sense. Trump doesn’t want to attack Flynn because he doesn’t know whether Flynn is coming at him.”

As for the Southern District’s sentencing memo for Cohen, he is also cooperating in separate ongoing investigations that district prosecutors would likely want to keep secret, so that document may also be redacted.

Chuck Rosenberg, a former federal prosecutor and NBC News legal analyst who once worked with Mueller, said Mueller — a by-the-book former Marine combat leader — likely never considered making public anything to do with ongoing criminal matters.

The rule of thumb, he said, is “if it’s public it won’t be sensitive and if it’s sensitive it won’t be public.”

Rosenberg believes Friday’s filings will be “mildly interesting,” in that they may further describe in general terms how helpful prosecutors believe Cohen to have been, and also what sort of lies they allege Manafort told that blew up his plea deal.

But if Manafort’s lies were about Trump and Russian election interference, Rosenberg said, “We won’t see them.”

Tom Winter contributed.



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This time around, Bernie Sanders has a tougher sale: himself

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By Jonathan Allen

WASHINGTON — This time, Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign has to be about Bernie Sanders — and that will be his greatest challenge.

When he decided to run for the Democratic nomination in 2016, the iconoclastic independent senator from Vermont told friends that he wanted to make sure a progressive agenda was front and center in the national political debate. If other progressives, such as Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., were going to sit out the election and let Hillary Clinton tack to the center, he would jump in and pressure her from the left.

But the Democratic Party has changed — in no small measure because of Sanders’ first campaign — and his message is no longer so distinctive. He is a victim of his own success in that the planks of his 2016 campaign have become liberal litmus tests that many of his rivals for the 2020 nomination are trying to pass: “Medicare for All” and free college tuition among them.

For Sanders to win, he’ll have to convince Democratic primary voters that he’s the right person for a very specific mission.

“They care more about beating Donald Trump than who the candidate is,” said Bill Press, a liberal talk show host and former California Democratic Party chairman who backed Sanders in 2016 but hasn’t yet picked a favorite for 2020. “It’s not going to come to him automatically. He’s going to have to fight for it.”

That’s an uncomfortable position for a politician who has spent his career playing down personality and using the ideological purity of his policy preferences as a political cudgel. The safe space for Sanders — who has few close friends in Congress after 30 years in the House and Senate — has always been to focus on everything but personal qualities.

But now it has to be about him — about why he’s the one.

The crowded primary presents a related challenge for Sanders. In 2016, his policy stands allowed him to contrast with his main rival, Clinton, in ways that capitalized on the antipathy some Democrats had for her on a personal level. He cast himself as honest and authentic, not beholden to special interests and uncompromising on progressive priorities.

This time around, it will be harder for him to distinguish himself against a variety of other candidates in the same way — and none of them have the depth or complexity of relationship with the Democratic electorate that Clinton did.

Already, Sanders is showing signs that he understands he has to adapt to thrive. In his campaign launch video, released early Tuesday morning, he put environmental, racial and social justice on par with the economic justice he has long prioritized as the pillars of his message. That’s a sign that he’s taken to heart the criticism that his heavy emphasis on economic issues — particularly those that animate working-class white voters — hurt his ability to connect with people of color.

Perhaps more importantly, as he tries to distinguish himself in a field full of candidates echoing his positions or carefully calibrating theirs in close proximity to his, Sanders reminded his supporters that he’s the original, not a watered-down imitation of the political revolutionary they fell in love with.

“Together, you and I and our 2016 campaign began the political revolution,” he said. “Now, it is time to complete that revolution and implement the vision that we fought for.”

That is, he has no plans to watch from the sidelines as someone else tries to lead Democrats to the Promised Land.

A Sanders campaign spokeswoman did not reply to a request for an interview for this piece.

Still, Sanders comes into the race, like any other repeat candidate, with both experience and baggage. It won’t be lost on anyone that no matter how much his campaign tilted the debate in the Democratic Party afterward, he lost the 2016 primary to Clinton — and many of her supporters still blame him, fairly or not, for a lack of enthusiasm among his supporters for her general election campaign.

But Sanders, who called Tuesday for his backers to create a force of a million volunteers, has a national network of small-dollar donors — the lifeblood of modern Democratic campaigns — a bumper crop of young political activists and elected officials who have cast themselves in his image and an outside group, called “Our Revolution,” that remained active in his stead during last year’s midterm elections.

Sanders and his team of political operatives also have the campaign experience that they lacked last time, which means they should have a better appreciation of the mechanics of putting together the state-by-state operations necessary to win delegates to the Democratic convention.

And, under new party rules, the Democratic “superdelegates” — a cadre of party officials who went almost unanimously for Clinton in 2016 and were almost uniformly hostile to Sanders because he was not of the party — will not come into play unless no candidate wins the nomination on the first ballot.

It will be almost a year before the Iowa caucuses start producing winners and losers, but, Sanders’ entry feels like a big victory for the left, according to Adam Green, co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee.

Though the PCCC has endorsed Warren, Green said he sees the two progressive senators as a “one-two punch” that will keep the primary debate focused on issues of core concern to the left.

“It really matters in terms of what issues get the spotlight in the 12 sanctioned debates and the day-to-day debate in the press,” he said. “As there’s a rush of candidates to match Sanders and Warren on the issues, that inherently changes voters’ perception of what ideas are in the mainstream and what ideas are viable against Trump.”

But it’s not just about the message anymore.

“We hear from a lot of our own members that the No. 1 thing they want is to beat Trump,” he said. And though they agree with Sanders, they don’t think he’s the candidate best equipped to do it, Green added.

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House Democrats tour housing for migrant children

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By Carmen Sesin

MIAMI — A delegation of House Democrats on Tuesday toured one of the largest facilities in the country housing unaccompanied migrant children — a visit one representative called “chilling.”

The Homestead Temporary Shelter for Unaccompanied Migrant Children, about 25 miles southwest of Miami, is under scrutiny because it is the only one in the U.S. run by a for-profit corporation and, as a federal facility, it is not subject to state regulations.

Several Democratic lawmakers have called for shuttering facilities such as Homestead, citing the lack of oversight and the length of time that children are held.

The delegation included Reps. Joaquin Castro, chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and Sylvia Garcia, both of Texas, and Debbie Mucarsel-Powell and Donna Shalala, both of Florida.

From left, Rep. Donna Shalala, D-FL, Rep. Debbie Mucarsel-Powell, D-FL, and Rep. Sylvia Garc?a, D-TX greet people after touring the Homestead Temporary Shelter for Unaccompanied Migrant Children facility in Homestead, Florida on February 19, 2019.Joe Raedle / Getty Images

“As a mother it was very difficult to watch. It has a prison-like feel,” Mucarsel-Powell said.

The facility is in her district and is operated by a private company for the Department of Health and Human Services.

“What I did not see — and this is a message for the Trump administration — I did not see criminals, I did not see gang members. I saw kids who have hope that this country will welcome them,” Mucarsel-Powell said.

She spoke to one young girl who had been at the facility for nine months after being separated from her aunt crossing the border.



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LABOUR SPLIT: Corbyn chaos as EIGHTH MP quits party over antisemitism – 'HORRIFIED'

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A LABOUR MP and chair of the Labour Friends of Israel left “horrified, appalled and angered” by Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has decided to quit the party to join the Independent Group created on Monday.

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